Battle of Najera/Bataille de Najera
3 April 1367
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Pedro I the Cruel (1350-69) and Edward the Black Prince (1362-1372)


V.
Enrique II (1369-1379)

Pedro: AR Real, 3.39gr., 26mm. Obv: DOMINVS:MICHI:ADIVTOR:ET EGO DI; inner legend: SPICIAM:INIMICOS:MEOS, central crown over 'P.' Rev: +PETRVS:REX:CASTELLE:E LEGIONIS, arms of Castile and Leon on quartered shield. Mint is Burgos. Lhotka 68.
Edward: Hardi d'Argent, 19mm. Obv: ED PO GR R|EGIS ANG A and variations. The full text that did not make it on many coins due to space limitations is EDWARDVS PRIMO GENETVS REGIS ANGLIE PRINCEPS AQUITAINE, or Edward, first son of the king of England, prince of Aquitaine. Central half portrait holding sword. Rev: PRN/CPS/AQT/ANIE, central cross with lis and leopards. Mint - Limoges. Elias 204 Roberts 6833.
Enrique: AR real, 27mm., 3.44gr. Obv: +DOMINVS MICHI ADIVTOR ET EGO DISPICIAM INIMICVS MEOS, central crown over ER. Rev: +ENRICVS DEI GRATIA REX CASTEL, central quartered arms of Castile and Leon. Mint is Seville. Burgos 406.
This battle is interesting in several respects. It brought many of the major military figures of the age together on one field and three of the principal participants had coinage. Pedro and Enrique were essentially English and French clients respectively, and this was an incidental part of the HYW, in that the control of Castile, on the southern boundary of Aquitaine, would have an impact on both French and English strength in the SW of France. In addition to Pedro, Edward and Enrique, Bertrand du Guesclin and John Chandos fought here . Enrique is known in English as Henry of Trastamara. He is Pedro's half brother. The two main sources for this page are Jonathon Sumption's Trial by Fire and Joseph O'Callaghan's A History of Medieval Spain.
Background
Pedro was the legitimate son of Alphonso XI. He inherited from his father when he was 16, after his father's death. His mother was Maria of Portugal, who had been slighted by her husband who favored his mistress, Leonor de Guzman. Alphonso had 10 illegitimate by her, including Henry of Trastamara. When Pedro came to the throne, his mother reacted by first imprisoning Leonor and then executing her. This set the stage for conflict between Pedro and Henry. Pedro's reign was characterized by internal and external conflicts.
Internally Pedro's life was complicated by the fact that immediately after his marriage he set aside his wife, Blanche of Bourbon, in favor of his mistress, Maria de Padilla. Blanche found support among Leonor's children, as well as among several of the towns in Castile. Externally, Pedro came into conflict with Pedro IV of Aragon, in part because Aragon welcomed Henry to his court. By the same token, Pedro the Cruel welcomed Aragon's half brother Ferran to his court.
This period was characterized by internecine strife as much as by international conflict. Pedro the Cruel executed one half brother in 1358. He executed the mother and brother of his previous guest Ferran after Ferran fled back to Aragon, seeing that as the lesser of two evils. In 1361 he executed his wife Blanche who he had been holding as a prisoner. His name 'The Cruel' was well deserved, although modern writers say his brutality was no worse than that of contemporary Spanish rulers.
After a brief truce, as conflict was to resume with Aragon, Pedro the Cruel sought an alliance with England and Navarre, while Aragon and Henry sought one with France. Thus Aragon and Castile were to become French and English clients respectively. Initially, Aragon and Henry received financial help from Charles V of France that allowed them to hire Bertrand de Guesclin and a number of other routiers. By this stroke Charles V aided an ally against the English and moved a number of troublesome mercenary troops out of France. Henry also had Englishman Hugh Calveley with him, since the English were not yet actively engaged of Pedro's side. Henry's Aragon/French supported invasion of Castile in 1366 was successful in driving Pedro the Cruel out of Castile and into the arms of the English. Pedro the Cruel ended up, after a circuitous flight, in Bordeaux where he negotiated an alliance with Edward the Black Prince.
Pedro the Cruel's reputation was troublesome to his potential allies. Tuckman (230-1) puts it like this: "... the Black Prince, though advised not to rely on a man so stained by villainies, refused to forego the battle." Edward rallied to his cause, at a price. Edward was to receive several counties of Castile for his support. In addition, Pedro agreed to reimburse Edward for all his campaign expenses. Since Pedro had no money, Edward had to pay to raise and support the field army. In addition, Pedro had to negotiate with Charles le Mauvais, king of Navarre and thorn in the side of the French, for permission to pass though his lands from Aquitaine to Spain. Charles wanted land as well and received the commitment to territory that would give Navarre a sea access, something Navarre did not have. Charles had coinage.

Navarre, Charles le Mauvais (1349-1387), billon gros au buste (gros esterlin), Droit : Croix pattée. En légende intérieure: + KAROLVS: DEI: GRA. Revers : + NAVAR-RE: REX B. cour. de face. Bordure de onze lis. Ref.: B., 563; P.A., 3337; D., 1356. 3,31g. Image from Elsen - Elsen List 239 #673.
Charles was subsequently approached by Henry, who induced him to change his allegiance by offering him a Castilian town, several forts and money. Henry thought that by this move he had blocked Edward's passage to Spain. His comfort was short lived, in that Hugh Calveley also changed sides to join the English when Edward entered into the alliance with Pedro. Calveley attacked Navarre from the south, since he was already in Castile, and convinced Charles to once again switch side, rejoining Edward and Pedro.
Edward's route to Castile took him through St. Jean Pied de Port and over the Pyrenees through Roncevalles. This is possibly the route Charlemagne took in 778 as he retreated from the basque country and where he suffered a defeat. His fight is known as the Battle of Roncevalles, although its exact location is not known.
This first map shows the approach each army took to Najera. From Roncevalles Edward took a circuitous route that finally brought him to Logrono and Navarrete. Henry approached from Burgos. Edward's advance was not without difficulty. At Vitoria he drew his army up to challenge Henry but Henry declined the challenge. The advice he received from Bertrand du Guesclin was to avoid direct conflict and instead inflict damage on Edward by a series of raids. Bertrand knew better than to attack the English, and their bowmen, directly. Edward turned south towards Logrono, where he crossed the Ebro. The battle occurred between the towns of Najera and Navarrete. While I am calling this the battle of Najera, its better known name, it is also known as the battle of Navarrete. The map is from Sumption.
Map 1 
Terrain
It is about 9 miles from Navarrete to Najera. The countryside is largely agricultural. A Google terrain map shows a series of hills across the road between the two communities, about 1/3 of the distance out from Navarrete. There are also a number of ridges to the north of the road. This next map, Map 2 from Google maps, shows the area today. Najera is to the left and Navarrete to the right. The river Ebro is just off the map to the north. The land is largely agricultural. The following map, Map 3, is a terrain map from Google maps. The green area in Map 2 corresponds to the hill in Map 3. In Map 3, note also the series of ridges NW of the hill along route AP-68. Edward used these as a barrier to hide his flanking attack on Henry.
Map 2
Map 3
Numbers
It is hard to get accurate estimates of the forces involved, but there is general agreement that Henry outnumbered Edward. Sumption does not offer force estimates. Wikipedia, without citation, gives Henry 60,000 troops and Edward 28,000. It also gives a breakdown of the forces on each side, which were different from each other. According to the site, Edward had 14,000 men at arms, 12,000 longbow men and 2,000 spears. Henry had 6,000 men at arms, 4,000 light calvary, 6,000 crossbow men, 4,000 slingers and 40,000 spear men. The longbow was much more effective than the crossbow and men at arms superior to foot soldiers. Hence, given this implied force alignment disparity, Edward actually had the more effective fighting force. Henry misplaced confidence in the presence of 40,000 spear men, who were not mobile and turned out to be unreliable. Foissart gives typically exaggerated numbers for both sides. Tuckman offers no estimates. Bonnechose (61) gives Henry's army as 4,000 men under du Guesclin in the first division, 6,000 Spanish cavaliers and about 10,000 foot troops in the second division under the command of Don Tello and Henry commanding the third division with 7,000 men at arms and 30,000 foot troops, for a total of 57,000 soldiers. He does not offer a breakdown of Edward's force. Davis (without citation - see link in sources) say Henry outnumbered Edward by 24,000 to 29,000 and gives the English army as being about 16,000 troops. I haven't been able to find a copy of Pedro Lopez de Ayala's Chronicle, Sumption's source.
Battle
Just as there is variation if the estimates of the number of fighters on the field, there are varying interpretations of the battle itself. I will rely on Sumption as my primary source. Sumption's major source is the Chronicle of Pedro Lopez de Ayala, a historian and courtier who was at the battle and fought on Henry's side.
After a number of small successes, Henry gave up his defensive tactics and took to the field to face Edward. This was against the advice of Bertrand du Guesclin. Vercel (168) describes du Guesclin's initial position as "entrenched behind the Najerilla, a torrential river at the bottom of a deep ravine." The English were poorly supplied and du Guesclin anticipated their imminent collapse as an effective fighting force. However, driven by political considerations (the need to show leadership to a wavering Castile) Henry decided to meet Edward and advance. Du Guesclin repositioned himself on the less secure side of the river, essentially limiting his options to retreat if things went against him. Overcall (169) says "Don Enrique, come autrefois Phillipe de Valois, come Jean le Bon, etait atteint subitement de folie chevaleresque, la folie de Crecy et de Poitiers, qui semblait, decidement, preceder l'armee anglais come une nappe de brouillard obscurcissant les meilleurs espirits." Overcall (172) goes on to say that du Guesclin warned him "mettez votre personne en surete des que la fortune vous trahire. Une seule defaite ne don pas vous abattre." Du Guesclin was not sanguine about the outcome of the fight.
Instead of advancing directly from Navarrete, as Henry expected, Edward made a flanking attack by swinging around the hills and ridges evident in Map 3. Map 4 is from Sumption and shows his analysis of the battle. When Edward appeared on Henry's left flank, he cause Henry by surprise. Du Guesclin was able to reorient his segments of the line and faced Chandos. The rest of Henry's troops were in disarray. They awkwardly reoriented themselves. Reading Sumption, it appears that the entire Anglo force made this sweeping maneuver. Du Guesclin, compensating for the disorganization in Henry's army, charged the English, aiming at the center of their line. He engaged Chandos and John of Gaunt's division. The charge was blunted and Du Guesclin's troops were attacked on their flank by Edward's wings.
Map 4 
To this point the balance of Henry's army had not engaged. Henry tried to relieve Du Guesclin but was unsuccessful. Instead, he found himself attacked on his front by Edward's division and from the flank by Chandos who had defeated du Guesclin. His army collapsed and Henry fled. He managed to escape but his army suffered thousands of casualties, as they tried to cross the Najerilla into Najera. Wikipedia says, without a source, Henry suffered 7000 deaths while the English loses were minimal.
These images, from Foissart's Chronicles show scenes of the battle. In the first one, the English are on the left and Henry is on the right.
The one other map of the battle I have found shows a different attack. Martin Davis offers Map 5, which shows the English attacking head on along the road from Navarrete. He also shows a smaller army for Henry, although it still outnumbered Edward. This map also matches Foissart's extensive description of the battle. He has Edward marching out from Navarrete. He says "The prince, with a few attendants, mounted a small hill, and saw very clearly the enemy marching straight towards them." It is possible this is the one marked 'B' in Map 3. This places the battle on the plain between this hill and Najera. Foissart recounts the story of the battle in chapter CCXLI. He offers much detail on the participants and force alignments and has a different take than Sumption. Of course, Foissart was not there so relied on the tales of the victors. Foissart has the two armies meeting head to head, rather than having Edward achieve tactical surprise by a flank attack. Meeting head to head adds greater glory to Edward than Sumption's description. Here is Foissart's description.



King Henry had done exactly as the prince of Wales, and had sent out his scouts on this Friday evening, to learn the condition of the prince’s army, what appearance they made, and where they were quartered. Those sent brought back true intelligence: upon hearing it, the king and sir Bertrand held a consultation on the subject. They made their men sup and go to bed very early, that they might be more fresh and hearty by midnight, when they were commanded to make themselves ready, arm, and take the field in battle-array; for they well knew that a battle must ensue on the morrow. The Spaniards, therefore, made themselves merry, for they had wherewithal largely to do so: but the English were in the greatest want of provision; for which reason they were anxious to fight.
The trumpets of king Henry sounded at midnight: on which, his whole army was on foot: at the second blast, they left their tents, took the field, and formed in three battalions. The first battalion was commanded by sir Bertrand du Guesclin and sir Robert de Roquebertin, a viscount of Arragon. Under him were all the foreigners, as well from France as from other countries: among whom were two barons from Hainault, the lord d’Antoing and sir Alard lord de Briseuil. There was also in this division the bègue de Villaines, the bègue de Villiers, sir John de Bergettes, sir Gauvain de Bailleul, l’Allemant de Saint Venant, who was there created a knight, with many other knights from Arragon, France, Provence, and the neighbouring countries. There were in this battalion full four thousand knights and squires, excellently armed, and drawn up according to the French manner.Don Tello and his brother don Sancho commanded the second division. There were under them twenty-five thousand lance-men, as well on horse as on foot, who drew up a little behind the division of sir Bertrand, on his left hand.
The third, and largest battalion without comparison, was commanded by king Henry himself. There were in it, and drawn up in array, upwards of seven thousand horsemen and forty thousand infantry among the cross-bowmen.
When they were thus formed, king Henry mounted a handsome and strong mule, according to the custom of his country, and rode through the ranks, paying his compliments to the lords, graciously entreating them to exert themselves this day in defending his honour, and pointing out to every one of them what they were to do with so much cheerfulness and good humour, that they were all in high spirits. After he had thus visited his army, he returned to his own battalion. It was soon broad day. About sun-rise they began their march towards Navarretta in order of battle, to meet and to engage the enemy.
The prince of Wales, as it has been before related, drew up his army in the manner he intended they should engage, whilst he lay before Vittoria, when the enemy did not appear according to his expectations. He had not since then made any alterations concerning it, and had always marched in this order. At break of day, therefore, the prince’s army took the field, marching in battle-array, as expecting to meet the Spaniards. No one advanced before the battalion of the marshals excepting those who received orders, as scouts; and the two leaders, as well as both the armies, knew, from the intelligence of the scouts, that they should shortly meet: they therefore marched forward with a gentle pace.
When the sun was risen it was a beautiful sight to view these battalions, with their brilliant armour glittering with its beams. In this manner, they nearly approached to each other. The prince, with a few attendants, mounted a small hill, and saw very clearly the enemy marching straight towards them. Upon descending this hill, he extended his line of battle in the plain, and then halted. The Spaniards, seeing the English had halted, did the same in order of battle; then each man tightened his armour, and made ready as for instant combat.
...
It was delightful to see and examine these banners and pennons, with the noble army that was under them. The two armies began to move a little, and to approach nearer each other; but, before they met, the prince of Wales, with eyes and hands uplifted towards heaven, exclaimed: “GOD of truth, the Father of JESUS CHRIST, who has made and fashioned me, condescend, through thy benign grace, that the success of the battle of this day may be for me and my army; for thou knowest, that in truth I have been solely emboldened to undertake it in the support of justice and reason, to reinstate this king upon his throne, who has been disinherited and driven from it, as well as from his country.” After these words, he extended his right arm, took hold of don Pedro’s hand, who was by his side, and added, “Sir king, you shall this day know whether you will have anything in the kingdom of Castille or not.” He then cried out, “Advance, banners, in the name of God and St. George!”
... The first conflict was between the battalion of the duke of Lancaster and sir John Chandos and that of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the marshal d’Andreghen, who had under them four thousand men at arms. At its commencement, there was a terrible medley of spears and shields. They were in this situation a considerable time before they could make any opening into each other. Many gallant deeds were performed, and many a knight unhorsed, who could not again raise himself.
When these two divisions were thus engaged, the others were not willing to remain idle, but advanced to the combat with eagerness. The prince of Wales, accompanied by the king don Pedro of Castille, and don Martin de la Carra, who represented the king of Navarre, charged the division which was commanded by don Tello and don Sancho. But it seems that, as the prince and his battalion were on the point of engaging, a sudden panic seized don Tello, so that he wheeled about, and fled in disorder without striking a blow, carrying with him two thousand cavalry of his division. No one knew how to account for this conduct. This second division was no sooner broken than it was discomfited; for the captal de Buch and the lord de Clisson, quitting the battalion of the earl d’Armagnac with their men, fell upon them, and slew and wounded immense numbers. The prince and don Pedro, upon this, advanced to the division commanded by king Henry, in which there were at least forty thousand men, as well on foot as on horseback. The fight now began in earnest on all sides; for the Spaniards and Castillians had slings, from which they threw stones with such force as to break helmets and scull-caps, so that they wounded and unhorsed many of their opponents. The English archers, according to their custom, shot sharply with their bows, to the great annoyance and death of the Spaniards. On one side, there were shouts of “Castille, for king Henry!” on the other, “St. George, for Guienne!”
During this time, the first battalion, commanded by the duke of Lancaster, sir John Chandos, and the two marshals, sir Guiscard d’Angle and sir Stephen Cossington, was warmly engaged with that of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the other knights from Arragon and France. Many valorous actions were done; and each tried his strength to open a passage through the enemy. Several fought with their spears in both hands, with which they dealt about lustily their blows; others made use of short swords and daggers. At the commencement the French and Arragonians made a desperate resistance, and gave the good knights of England much trouble.
Sir John Chandos shewed himself an able knight, and performed many gallant deeds under his banner: but, in his eagerness in fighting and driving his enemies before him, he was so far engaged as to be surrounded, and in the crowd unhorsed. A large man of Castille, called Martin Ferrand, who was much renowned for courage among the Spaniards, threw himself upon him with a determined resolution to kill him, and kept him down in the greatest danger. Sir John, however, bethought himself of a knife he had in his bosom, which he drew, and struck so well with it this Martin in the sides and back that he gave him his death-blow as he was lying under him: he then turned him over, and rose up as speedily as he could: his people were now all ready about him, for they had with great difficulty broken through the crowd to come to the place where he had fallen.
It was on a Saturday, in the morning, between Najarra and Navarretta, that this severe and bloody battle was fought, in which multitudes of men were slain. In this engagement many were the brilliant actions performed by the prince of Wales, his brother the duke of Lancaster, sir John Chandos, sir Guiscard d’Angle, the captal de Buch, the lords de Clisson and de Raix, sir Hugh Calverley, sir Matthew Gournay, sir Louis de Harcourt, the lords de Pons and de Partenay. On the other hand, among the Gascons, the lords d’Armagnac, d’Albret, de Pommiers and his two brothers, de Mucident, de Rosem, the earls de Perigord, de Comminges, de Carmain, the lords de Condon, de l’Esparre, de Chaumont, de Pincornet, Bartholomew de Cande, de Geronde, sir Bernard d’Albret, sir Aimery de Tarse, the souldich de l’Estrade, sir Petiton de Courton, with many other knights and squires, gave equal proofs of gallantry.
Under the pennon of St. George, and attached to the banner of sir John Chandos, were the free companies, who had in the whole twelve hundred streamers. Among them were good and hardy knights and squires, whose courage was proof; namely, sir Robert Cheney, sir Perducas d’Albret, Robert Briquet, sir Garsis du Chastel, sir Gaillard Viguier, sir John Charnels, Nandon de Bagerant, Aymemon d’Ortige, Perrot de Savoye, le bourg Camus, le bourg de l’Esparre, le bourg de Breteuil, Espiote, and several others. I must therefore say, that sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, don Sancho, don Gomez Garilz, and the French and Arragonian knights who had engaged with this battalion, did not find themselves the better for it, as these companies were composed of tried men, who had been long accustomed to arms.
There were besides many other knights and squires from England, under the banners of the dukes of Lancaster and sir John Chandos: among whom were sir William Beauchamp son to the earl of Warwick, sir Ralph Camois, sir Walter Urswick, sir Thomas de Demery, sir John Grandison, sir John Draper, sir John du Pré, sir Aimery de Rochechouart, sir Gaillard de la Motte, and upwards of two hundred other knights whom I am not able to name.
To say the truth, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the marshal d’Andreghen, le bègue de Villaines, the lords d’Antoing and de Briseuil, sir Gauvain de Bailleul, sir John de Bergettes, le bègue de Villiers, l’Allemand de St. Venant, and the good knights who were then from France, acquitted themselves most valiantly: truly, had the Spaniards as well performed their parts, the English and Gascons would have suffered more than they did.
Those who were near king Henry did their duty like men; for he had before entreated of them to behave courageously. He himself set the example, and performed such valorous acts as gave courage to all around him. He advanced before those who were beginning to give way and fly, calling to them: “My lords, I am your king. You have placed me upon the throne of Castille, and have sworn that you would die sooner than forsake me. For the love of God, preserve your oaths sacred which you have sworn to me, and behave yourselves handsomely in my cause. I will acquit myself towards you, for I will not fly one step as long as I shall see you combating by my side.” By these words, or others of a similar tendency, did king Henry thrice bring back his men to the combat. He himself behaved so valiantly, that he ought to be much honoured and respected. This battle was fought with great perils: many were slain, wounded, and put to flight.
The Spanish commonalty made use of slings, to which they were accustomed, and from which they threw large stones which at first much annoyed the English: but when their first cast was over, and they felt the sharpness of the English arrows, they kept no longer any order. King Henry had in his battalion a large number of good men at arms, as well from Spain as from Lisbon, Arragon, and Portugal, who acquitted themselves exceedingly well, and did not give up so easily, but fought very courageously with lances and guisarmes, pikes, and swords. He had also upon his two wings bodies of lancemen, mounted on excellent coursers, who kept up the courage of the division; for when they saw any part of it likely to be broken, or willing to give way, they galloped up to them, and drove them back. The English and Gascons had not much advantage here, but what they gained from their experience and by dint of deeds of prowess and vigour. The prince had indeed with him the flower of chivalry, and there were under him the most renowned combatants in the whole world.
...
The king don Pedro was much heated, and very anxious to meet his brother the bastard: he galloped about, calling out, “Where is this son of a whore who calls himself king of Castille?” King Henry was engaged in another part of the field, where he fought manfully, and kept up the courage of his men as well as he could by his speeches to them; he said, “My good people, you have made me your king, and have crowned me: help me to defend the inheritance which you have given to me.” By such words as these which he every now and then addressed to them, many were so bold and valorous that for their honour they fell on the spot, disdaining to fly.
The division on the side of the Spaniards, which behaved the best, and was also the best fought with, was that commanded by sir Bertrand du Guesclin; for there were on both sides true men at arms, who exerted themselves to the utmost of their abilities. Many gallant deeds were performed by them. Sir John Chandos distinguished himself particularly. He governed, that day, the duke of Lancaster, in the same manner he had done the prince of Wales at the battle of Poitiers; for which he was exceedingly praised and honoured, as was indeed but just; when such a valiant and good knight thus acquits himself towards his lords, he is worthy of honour and respect. Sir John, therefore, during the day, never thought of making any prisoners with his own hand, but was solely occupied in fighting and pushing forward. However, many good knights and squires from Arragon, France, and Brittany, were made prisoners by his people, and under his banner: particularly sir Bertrand du Guesclin, sir Arnold d’Andreghen, the bègue de Villaines, with upwards of sixty knights; consequently the battalion of sir Bertrand was discomfited. All those who had come thither from France and Arragon were either slain or taken. Among the slain was the bègue de Villiers. The lord d’Antoing in Hainault, the lord de Briseuil, sir Gauvin de Bailleul, sir John de Bergettes, sir l’Allemand de St. Venant, with many others, were made prisoners.
Upon this the banners and pennons, that is to say, the banner of the duke of Lancaster, and banner of sir John Chandos, the banner of the two marshals, and the pennon of St. George and others, returned toward the division which was commanded by king Henry, shouting out, “St. George, for Guienne!” Upon this the Spaniards, and those who supported them, were repulsed. On one side, was seen the captal de Buch and the lord de Clisson manfully engaged: on another, sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, sir Hugh Calverley, the souldich de l’Estrade, and sir John Devereux, showed themselves good knights.
The prince shone pre-eminently: he proved his noble birth, and the gallantry of his knighthood, by his eagerness to seek his enemies, and bravely fighting with them.
On the other hand, king Henry acquitted himself right valiantly in every situation: he more than once rallied his men to the combat; for when they saw don Tello take flight, accompanied by two thousand men, they began to be cast down, and the greater part of them were so much frightened, that they were willing to follow his example; but king Henry galloping up to the foremost, said: “My good lords, what are you doing? why would you thus seek to abandon and betray me? you who have chosen me for your king, and placed the crown of Castille upon my head, giving me the inheritance of it? Return back, and help me to guard, defend, and maintain it: remain steady near to me, for, through God’s grace, the day shall still be ours.” By such speeches as these, he encouraged many, and caused them to fight boldly: they could not for shame fly, when they saw their king and lord act himself so vigorously in the combat, and address such friendly words to them. More than fifteen hundred persons lost their lives by this management, who would otherwise have been saved by taking advantage of a favourable opportunity, if it had not been for their love of the king.
After the defeat of the battalion of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the marshal d’Andreghen, when all the divisions of the prince were formed into one large body, the Spaniards could no longer keep their ground, but began to fly into great disorder, much frightened, towards the town of Najarra, and to cross the river which runs by it: in spite of everything king Henry could say, they would not rally nor return to the fight.
When king Henry perceived that his army was totally defeated, without hopes of recovery, he called for his horse, mounted it, and galloped among the crowd of runaways, but was careful not to take the road either to Najarra or to the river: for he wished not to be surrounded; he followed another road, to avoid every danger; in which he acted wisely, as he was fully aware that, if he should be made prisoner, he would be slain without mercy. The English and Gascons now mounted their horses, and went in pursuit of the Spaniards, who were flying in dismay, as far as Najarra. There was much slaughter and effusion of blood at the entrance of the bridge: many were killed and drowned: for great numbers leaped into the river, which was both rapid and deep, preferring the being drowned to being murdered.
...
The defeat was very complete and dreadful, especially upon the banks of this river, where numbers were slain. Some said, as I have heard from those who were there, that the river below Najarra was tinged with the blood of men and horses there killed. This battle was fought between Najarra and Navarretta, in Spain, on Saturday the third day of April, in the year of our Lord 1367."
Aftermath
Pedro won the day but did not succeed in either killing or capturing Henry. The English advanced into Castile and Pedro took vengeance on Henry's supporters. Edward had captured a large number of Henry's supporters, including Bertrand du Guesclin. There was a falling out among the victors in that the English wanted to hold the prisoners for ransom while Pedro wanted to kill them, particularly Henry's Castilian supporters. Likewise, Pedro failed to reimburse Edward for his expenses or transfer the Castilian counties to Edward as had been agreed upon before the campaign. Edward ultimately withdrew, heavily in debt. He also remained angry at Pedro and Pedro lost the support of the English, putting him in a perilous position in Castile, since Henry was still alive and active.
Whereas Pedro lost English support, Charles V continued to support Henry. With French financing, he returned to Castile after the English withdrawal and found support among many who were antagonistic to Pedro. Pedro and Henry, again supported by du Guesclin, faced each other again at Montiel. This time Henry prevailed and Pedro fled to a nearby castle. He attempted to bribe du Guesclin to betray Henry, but du Guesclin instead reported this to Henry (for more money). He brought the two brothers together and Henry fell on Pedro and killed him, securing the throne of Castile for himself. Castile remained a French ally in the HYW.
Sources
Bonnechose, E., Bertrand du Guesclin, Cambridge U Press, 1895.
Davis, M., http://perso.wanadoo.es/ibg3/med/najera.html
Foissart, Chronicles, http://www.maisonstclaire.org/resources/chronicles/froissart/book_1/ch_226-250/fc_b1_chap241.html
Google maps
O'Callaghan, J., A History of Medieval Spain.
Sumption, J., Trial by Fire
Tuckman, B., A Distant Mirror
Vercel, R., Du Guesclin, Albin Michel, Paris, 1932